Easy Jet And The Recession Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Easy Jet And The Recession - Essay Example Data which are scattered are not information until and unless the observers have the accurate knowledge of the theories that needs to explain the relationships. Therefore according to Homans (1958) theory can be defined as â€Å"in its lowest form a classification, a set of pigeon holes, a filing cabinet in which fact can accumulate. Nothing is more lost than a loose fact† (Homans 1958, p. 5). The principles of management are the fundamental truth which explains the relationships between the different set of variables which usually constitute of dependent variable and independent variable. Mangers often apply the theories with the practical life and help to solve problems in the future and present which might occur in the organisation. Thus it can be said that there are mainly three major reasons as to why managers needs to know about the management theories are firstly the theories provides focus for understanding the experiences and relevance. Secondly, with the help of theo ries mangers are able to communicate and has the capacity to move into a more complex relationships. Thirdly, with the help of theories mangers can learn about the ongoing into the world (Olum, 2004, p. 1-11). Management theories accounts for and helps to interpret the rapidly changing environment in the organisations. This paper aims to deals with different types of management theories such as scientific theory, behavioural school, management science, system approach, contingent approach, and dynamic engagement approach (Thenmozhi, n.d). Another important aspect in an organisation is the culture and this can be well explained with the help of competing value approach. According to Quinn and Rohrbaugh (1983) it is the most conceptual model of culture. This model of competing value approach can be one of the four types that has been categorised, which constitute of clan, market, hierarchy and adhocracy. The clan culture based on the framework emphasise goal, participation and shared values and also a sense of family. Market culture tends to emphasis environmental interaction, competition, as well as customer orientation. Adhocracy usually emphasis creativity, entrepreneurships and also adaptability and hierarchy constitute of rules and regulations, lines of concerned authority and efficiency (Smart, 2010, p.389). Figure 1: Competing Value Framework (Source: Rainey, 2009, p.164) The competing value framework tends to work closely with the management theories. Most of the organisation tends to apply all the factors included in the competing framework. The four factors are equally important for the effective working of the organisation. The model helps a manger to understand the working conditions of the environment and finally match the culture with respect to the operational climate. 2.0 The Organisation Easy jet is one of the successful low cost airlines in Europe, established in the year 1995. It is based in London Luton airport and operates domestic and inter national services to about 400 routes in Europe and carries about 40 million passengers in a year. The airline industry and the travel agencies are competing with each other in order to build up a strong online

Situation Background Assessment Recommendation Assignment

Situation Background Assessment Recommendation - Assignment Example There are a number of them. But the best is SBAR (Situation Background Assessment Recommendation), according to most of the healthcare organizations for transfer of information in the correct manner. They are useful in communicating among medical staff, between doctor and patient between nurse and patient etc. The language is clear and simple and is applicable for both written and oral communication. The steps include stating the situation, the circumstances causing the situation, determining the problem and arriving at the best solution. The healthcare organization has their own procedures to fill up forms concerned with the patient's clinical history during the course of their treatment in the unit. That will give clear, concise information about the patient and the type of treatment he gets. However, the accuracy of the record is doubtful. At times the patient would not have given the proper information. It may so happen that the recording may not be proper or legible. Even so clinical record can be considered very valuable in most instances. During verbal communication, there is every chance of data being missed or misunderstood. The reason is that the doctors, nurses and other health personnel etc lack effective communication skill, though they may be good in their own field. The healthcare professionals including nurses have been educated to deal with patients in communic ation, but not among themselves or how to communicate during an emergency. Also, there are no rules for verbal communication, whether direct or through telephone. It is obvious that communication errors may have adverse effects on the patients. It is praiseworthy that various steps have been taken for the improvement of communication among the staff. These will ultimately result in the safety of the patients. According to Dr. Michael Leonard, MD, nurses' communication is descriptive. But that of the physicians is strictly to the point. He feels that SBAR model will nullify the differences in approach and style. It proposes how a nurse should communicate with a doctor. Adopting the SBAR tool has considerably improved patient's safety. It is valuable not only for communication between doctor and nurse but among a number of team members. Let us look at the following instance. One Mr. Joy took his wife to hospital. She had hysterectomy with bowel perforation. An overdose of medicines resulted in permanent brain damage. Joy had no idea about the SBAR tools. So because of his precarious and tense situation, Joy failed to inform the actual cause to the doctors. If he had communicated properly, he could have avoided the mental agony that he and his wife suffered. His wife would have got the correct treatment and would have been better placed. Even the doctor, who felt guilty for not successful in treating the wife would have been spared. Summary of Article This clearly shows how a little bit of care can prolong the life of the patient and enhance the happiness of his beloved ones. At the same time sheer neglect can endanger his life. The hospital staff should consider it their duty to contribute to the well being of the patients. There comes the importance of SBAR techniques. Conclusion It is

Female Drill Sergeant Essay Example for Free

Female Drill Sergeant Essay Drill sergeant (DS) refers to the term that is used in United States military by the army, marine corps and air force. Becoming a drill sergeant can be through volunteering or by selection. The minimum status for attaining this state can only be at the rank of staff sergeant. Once a selected candidate, he/she should attend the Drill Sergeant School where he/she undergoes training on various aspects of the drill sergeant position. The historical start up of drill sergeant was in 1962. This followed a directive by the secretary of the army to his secretary who was Stephen Ailes to prompt a survey conduct of the recruiting process of the army corps. This survey took some long time and included surveys from the Air Force, Marine and the Navy training techniques. Various faults were found in the recruitment process and thus led to the position of the drill sergeant. The basic distinguishing feature for the drill sergeants was their hats. (http://www. jackson. army. mil/DSS/headgear. htm) However, since its inception in 1962, the position was not held by a female until 1972 where female drill sergeants were pronounced recruited and even given different hats than those held by their male counterparts. The design of their hat was done by Mildered C. Bailey who was a brigadier general. Beige was the first female drill sergeant hat though it was later replaced with one of dark green in 1983. Between 1984 and 1985, a proposal was made for an official switch by the female drill sergeants in having the same hat to what was owned by the male drill sergeants. On the same point, a larger group of female drill sergeants who were at TRAining and DOctrine Command (TRADOC) unit leveraged great opposition to the proposal. It was reciprocated by the Army Chief of Staff that the female drill sergeants were to continue in wearing the same female drill sergeant hats that they used to wear. The female drill sergeant started in the late of 1971 when the continental army commandant received an official approval as permission from the army chief of staff to propagate inclusion of females in the drill sergeant state program. Starting in the February of 1972, the program saw promotion of six female non-commissioned officers in the program. They underwent thorough training after which they were given the mandate of their positions as female drill sergeants. In the United States, the female drill sergeant refers to a non-commissioned officer within the armed forces. She has the duty of participating in the initiation of the recruitment process of new recruits who enters the military. In the recruitment process the sergeant is supposed to follow the legal provisions and jurisdictions of the practices and customs of the military forces. The inclusion of the female drill sergeants in the army since 1971 was a significance factor that helped in shaping the nature of the army. Equality was signified after breaking the traditions that ignored females in the position of drill sergeants. (http://www. armystudyguide. com/content/Drill_Sergeant_Resources/drill_sergeant_information/female-campaign-hat. shtml) Like the male drill sergeants, a female drill sergeant is usually held responsible in the behavior, military education and warfare of the army recruits assigned to her. She is therefore supposed to provide full support during the initial period of the training process. They are paused with various responsibilities of ensuring physical training, weapons training and the military discipline. Their service delivery and the protocols to follow while at their service delivery is guided by the drill sergeant creed which they should follow. Generally, this is a guiding formula towards their capacities. The three levels of the army, that is the marine, air force and army have different sets of such a creed though their intention is made to serve and secure almost the same set of guidelines for the female drill sergeants. Conceptually, female drill sergeants at the three levels of the military army are also subject to different duties and different training requirements. Due to the different requirements of these military professional levels the training needs and the roles of the female drill sergeant has been different. However, the general role across the board for all levels for these female drill sergeants has been to monitor the training process of the new recruits and guiding of such training needs. (http://www. wood. army. mil/mncoa/dss/history. htm) Since the provision of female drill sergeants in 1971, the position of female drill sergeants have been legally constituted and especially with the growing demand for army professionals. However, the position has always been competitively bided and requires both physical and academic competencies. The number of the current female drill sergeants has been seen to increasingly expand and giving more opportunity for the female participation in the position. The currently changing social structures and need for human security has endorsed a credited place for the female drill sergeant. The current military environment has even mandated her with supervisory and command powers at her capacity for those she is training. Therefore, historical provision that allowed only male drill sergeants was disregarded in 1971 after visualizing the productive capacity that women could play in the military. Elsewhere, the growing demand of equal employment opportunity was significant for this change. Currently, female drill sergeants continue to enjoy equal opportunities like their male colleagues in their position. Reference History of Drill Sergeant. Retrieved on 25th August 2008 from http://www. wood. army. mil/mncoa/dss/history. htm Female Drill Sergeant Campaign Hat. Retrieved on 25th August 2008 from http://www. armystudyguide. com/content/Drill_Sergeant_Resources/drill_sergeant_information/female-campaign-hat. shtml Drill Sergeant School. Retrieved on 25th August 2008 from http://www. jackson. army. mil/DSS/headgear. htm

Mainstream internationalisation theories

Mainstream internationalisation theories Mainstream Internationalisation Theories Instead of looking at the global strategy of the MNE from the viewpoint of management science, marketing, and decision theory, it is necessary to consider more explicitly the economics of the foreign investment decision. International business activity is not a recent phenomenon. However, the great majority of foreign investment until the late 1940s was in the form of portfolio capital, which international capital theory explained as the flow of capital among countries in the pursuit of higher returns. After World War II, the volume of foreign direct investment (FDI) grew tremendously and was increasingly directed away from primary goods and towards knowledge-based products that could be produced in developed countries. Neoclassical economic theory, with its assumption of perfect markets and internationally immobile factors of production, could not easily accommodate this post-war boom in FDI. So, beginning with the publication of the product cycle theory by Raymond Vernon (1966) and Stephen Hymers dissertation (written in 1960 and published 1976), an outpouring of literature has focused on extending the theoretical foundations of the concept of foreign direct investment. The objective of this chapter is to provide a review of the mainstream literature on internationalisation. Given my research problem, the focus is on theories that consider transnational expansion at the firm level. Among others, the investment development path (IDP) concept and Ozawas tandom growth treatment of the flying geese metaphor are popular frameworks for considering FDI. They are not included, however, since their research setting is that of the economy as a whole. Despite considerable disciplinary diversity, a mainstream internationalisation construct with three major approaches can be identified: Theories of the MNE, Internationalisation Process Models, and Network-based Approaches to Internationalisation. The first of these, Theories of the MNE, is outlined in Section 2.1. Since these MNE theories have been criticised on the grounds that they may explain the existence of the international firm but not how the firm got there, Section 2.2 reviews Internationalisation Process Models, which more explicitly focus on the dynamic process of internationalisation. Section 2.3 examines leading network-based approaches to internationalisation. The chapter concludes with a summary of the points that are most applicable to my thesis and an assessment of the limitations of the mainstream internationalisation literature. Theories of the MNE This section presents the economics-based literature on MNEs, beginning with Hymers seminal work. Following a review in Sections 2.1.2 and 2.1.3 of Internalisation Theory and Dunnings OLI framework, Section 2.1.4 focuses on theorisations specific to developing-country MNEs. Monopolistic Advantage Theory Hymers (1960) work represented a major departure from the standard orthodox theory of international trade and capital movements. The standard neoclassical trade theory of Heckscher and Ohlin, for example, carried restrictive assumptions about the immobility of factors of production and identical production functions across national boundaries. And in the neoclassical financial theory of portfolio flows, multinational enterprises had been viewed simply as arbitrageurs of capital in response to changes in interest rate differentials. Hymer argued that explanations for why firms engage in international production should be based on an analysis of the MNE from an industrial organisation perspective. According to Hymer (1976), Kindleberger (1969), and Caves (1971), MNEs emerged because of market imperfections. These imperfections were structural in nature and resulted from the control of ownership advantages, such as special access to inputs, scale economies, gathered managerial expertise, proprietary technology, and product differentiation (Kalfadellis and Gray: 2003: 3). The result of these barriers to entry was a divergence from perfect competition in the final product market. MNEs would seek to internalise these ownership advantages by establishing monopolistic-type advantages through the vertical integration of the potential licensee (Hymer 1976). Internalising operations could lead to gains such as cost reductions, product quality improvements, and innovation. For Hymer, though, the firm internalises or supers edes the market (1976: 48) primarily because, by internalising international economic activity, the MNE has an opportunity to further advance its monopolistic advantage. In short, it is the pursuit by firms of market power and monopolistic advantages in a foreign market that largely drives the international expansion of domestic firms. Internalisation Theory A criticism raised in the 1970s about Monopolistic Advantage theory was that it did not differentiate between imperfections brought about by market structure (i.e., the number and size of enterprises on both the demand and supply sides) and those associated with transaction costs. By not doing so, Buckley and Casson (1976) and others argued Hymer had failed to incorporate the insights of Coases (1937) concept of market failure. Coases theory of the firm contended that, contrary to the classical understanding in which price mechanisms optimally coordinate markets, market failure can occur as costs associated with the price mechanism develop (such as finding buyers and sellers, and the costs involved with negotiating, coordinating, monitoring, and enforcing contracts, and costs associated with government regulations and taxes). The operation of markets is therefore not costless, and the firm is an organising unit that supplants the price mechanism. Domestic firms would prefer to use internal prices in the face of excessive costs in the outside market. Firms therefore seek to avoid these costs by internalising them wherever the market is non-existent or when it is cheaper for the firm to undertake the activity internally rather than via the market mechanism. To Coase, markets and firms were alternative methods for organising economic exchanges. The choice between the two depended on whether a firm evaluated the transaction costs of an exchange to be lower if carried out within the firm than through the market. Where the costs of such transactions are lower when carried out within the firm than through the market, the activity will be internalised under the firms ownership and control. The concept of transaction costs was more fully developed by Williamson (1975) and Chandler (1977). Transaction cost theory extended Coases work by substituting a conception of contractual man for neoclassical theorys economic man. Its starts with the assumption that markets are the natural mechanism of economic organisation (Williamson 1975: 21), and that market failures lead to the replacement of certain market relations by internalising these relationships within a firm. The deficiencies of the market system are seen to be rooted in bounded rationality (i.e., the lack of perfect knowledge which means that agents cannot foresee all possible circumstances to incorporate in the contract) and opportunism (i.e., agents make decisions based on self-interest, thus making the contract difficult to enforce). Drawing upon Coases (1937) theory of the firm and Williamsons (1975) and Chandlers (1977) transaction cost theory, Buckley and Casson (1976) argued that these same insights can be applied to the global arena to explain the growth of MNEs. Accordingly, Buckley and Casson explained international expansion as occurring whenever a market imperfection exists and a firm can gain strategic benefits by internalising a market across national boundaries and exploiting the advantage this gives it in competition with others. This results in the growth of the firm. Just as a firm may increase its efficiency through internalising transactions, the vertical integration of global operations may lead to economies and efficiencies. These include long-term contracts through more efficient governance structures, the chance to exploit tax differentials and foreign exchange controls, better quality control, and RD benefits. Brown (1976) also combined insights from Coases theory with transaction cost theory and applied it to international expansion. He put particular emphasis on the point that there are higher market transaction costs and more expenses associated with internal organisation abroad than in the domestic environment. Teece (1983) added the insight that internalisation can also be advantageous when vertically-integrated firms need to secure their supply of intermediate goods. So, whereas transaction cost theory aims to explain the existence of the firm, the aim of internalisation theory is to explain its multi-plant operation over space (Casson 1982). And whereas Hymer argued that it is the pursuit of market power that drives MNE growth, Buckley and Casson (1976) argued that once transaction costs are internalised they do not necessarily lead to an increase in rent by the MNE. However, they can result in savings for the MNE, and it is this potential cost minimisation that provides the impetus for MNEs to expand their operations via the internalisation of transaction costs. Internalisation theory has been a dominant construct in the last quarter century of international business literature in relation to the growth of the MNE and FDI. However, it does have weaknesses. For instance, internalisations inherent intangibility makes it difficult to empirically test (Kalfadellis and Gray 2003: 10). Buckley, describing internalisation as a concept in search of a theory (Buckley 1983: 42), argued that a theory needs to do more than assert firms will internalise when the cost of using markets or contractual agreements is higher than that of organising it within the firm; it needs to explain why there were differences in costs between market and intra-firm organisation (Hennart 1986: 791). It has also been seen as overly-preoccupied with the costs of organising transactions in markets, leading it to under-appreciate other relevant costs, especially those associated with managing firms across borders (Demsetz 1988). An argument has been made that it does not sufficiently distinguish between a firms willingness and its capability to become more international (Dunning 1993). These types of limitations led Calvet (1981), among others, to question whether the assertion that firms expand overseas because they can internalise transactions within their hierarchies (just as they do within a domestic context) is a full enough explanation. Calvet argued instead for a theory of transnational expansion that explicitly included both the multinational-the foreign-character of the activity as well as the internalisation of transactions within a single firm. Dunnings OLI Paradigm A third landmark development in MNE theory was Dunnings OLI paradigm, sometimes referred to as the eclectic paradigm. Countering Rugmans (1982; 1985) claim that internalisation is a general all-encompassing theory which can explain FDI, Dunning (1980; 1988; 1993; 1995; 2000) acknowledged the importance of internalisation theory but argued that set[ting] out to explain the growth of international production as a market replacing activity (Dunning 1988: 24) explains only part of the FDI phenomenon. Dunning argued that a full explanation required the integration of the insights from three strands of economic theory industrial organisation, international trade theory, and internalisation theory into a general theoretical framework.[1] Each dimension on its own was insufficient to explain the multinational firms engagement in foreign production. According to Dunning, a firm must perceive certain advantageous conditions before it engages in cross-border investment. These advantages are rationally considered within the firms decision-making process. The first relates to ownership (O) advantages, which, following Hymer, refer to assets or resources capable of generating a future income stream that could compensate for the higher costs of operating abroad. Ownership advantages are endogenous to the firm and refer to intangible assets and/or property rights. These O advantages give the firm a competitive edge vis à   vis other firms. The second factor is internalisation (I) advantages, which encourage a firm to internalise operations for production via foreign direct investment rather than through exporting or licensing to a local producer. In other words, the firm must perceive the benefits of internalising of operations to be greater than the need to utilize markets. If a firm perceives it has sufficient O and I advantages, th en it will examine a third set of conditions, location (L) advantages. Choosing a foreign location is one of the key decisions made by a firm since the financial and human capital invested must generally be long-term in nature. Drawing upon the insights of location theory, Dunnings L advantages were considered to be external to the firm and determine which host country is selected for expansion. (A fourth condition later added by Dunning [1993] asserted that a firms international investment activities must harmonize with its long-term management strategy.) In the eclectic paradigm, all three of these conditions must exist for FDI to occur. If a firm only perceives it has ownership advantages, then it would be likely to license abroad. If it also perceives internalisation advantages, then it would be likely to exploit its O advantages through exporting. It is only when location advantages are also perceived that the firm may consider FDI (Dunning 1993: 196). Dunnings OLI paradigm has been welcomed for its conceptual richness-it integrates many partial approaches to the subject and therefore addresses a larger number of the factors considered in the decision to internationalise-and it has withstood some empirical testing (Dunning 1979, 1983, 1988). However, it has also frequently been criticised, particularly on definitional grounds. For example, Rugman and Dunning had a long-running public debate over whether Dunnings concepts of ownership and location advantages were already encompassed in the theory of internalisation (Parry 1985). In a similar vein, Buckley (1988) suggested that considering ownership advantages as a separate category results in double counting as the O advantage of Dunnings OLI triumvirate is already accounted for by I (internalisation advantages) since the firm seeks to carry out a strategic move by internalising the market and thus exploits this advantage in competition with other firms. Responding to definitional criticisms, Dunning (1995) argued that, in contrast to how they are conceived in internalisation theory, ownership advantages are endogenous rather than exogenous variables already belonging to the firm. Accordingly, he stressed a definitional division between ownership advantages, which are already possessed by firms, and internalisation advantages, which result from the firms exploitation of market imperfections. The electric paradigm has become a leading conceptualisation for FDI, and as such there now many variants within the approach. For example, another eclectic framework that is pertinent to my thesis concentrates on understanding how a firm chooses among various entry modes. In comparison to Dunnings OLI paradigm, the framework by Hill et al. (1990) emphasised the control of resources, resource commitment, and the dissemination risks of entry. They argued that firms rationally weigh different entry modes with the need to control their foreign operation. The amount of control a firm can exercise varies from minimal in the case of licensing to maximally high in wholly-owned subsidiaries. A firm also weighs the resource commitment that is involved with the different entry modes, and the risk that its firm-specific advantages could be disseminated or expropriated by a partner. As discussed in Chapter 5, the latter danger was frequently highlighted by my interviewees as an influence on thei r internationalisation decisions. Though eclectic models such as those by Hill et al. and Dunning have a dominant place in the MNE and FDI literature, they do have significant shortcomings. Some critics find the emphasis on the initial phase of internationalisation makes them unhelpful. Others have argued that inadequate attention was given to the insight that firms make cross-border investments not just to reap benefits from existing ownership advantages but to create new ones, such as acquiring knowledge in new markets or access to resources. Also, the broadness of the eclectic decision-making framework has made it difficult to formulate operationally testable theories of foreign direct investment processes, especially given the heterogeneity of firms. Various proxy measures have been employed as a means for measuring internalisation, but the validity of proxies in general has been contested (Kalfadellis and Gray 2003: 11). Similarly, ranking the large variety of strategic alternatives the firm can choose among is methodologically problematic. Two other criticisms of the eclectic decision-making paradigm have been particularly acute and are of specific concern given the subject of this dissertation. The first is that they principally focus on relatively large firms from developed countries. Dunnings OLI paradigm, in common with the other theories of the MNE reviewed in Section 2.2, was developed primarily in response to the experiences of post-war expansion by developed-country multinationals. Transnational firms from developing countries, it has been argued, require a different approach (Lall 1983a; Wells 1983a; Khan 1986a; Yeung 2004). For instance, as they are frequently much smaller than developed country MNEs, their transnational investment choices may be more chunky in nature, in the sense that certain costs that are incurred in international activity will loom relatively larger for small firms than big ones. Second, the eclectic framework has been criticised for its lack of dynamism. While it is not true that Dunnings OLI model has no dynamic dimension, Buckley (1985: 18), for example, argued that it does adequately consider the deployment of advantages over time.[2] Both of these shortcomings are apparent when eclectic frameworks are applied to the phenomenon of Singaporean SME transnational expansion into China. Developing-Country MNE Theories A dramatic growth in outward FDI flowing from developing countries has occurred over the last three decades. Prior to the 1980s, more than 90 per cent of global FDI originated from developed countries. Since the early 1990s, though, the share of outward FDI from developing countries has rapidly grown; it was over 14 per cent in 2006 (WorldBank 2008). Moreover, aggregate figures conceal the relative intensity of developing-country FDI flows from, and into, certain countries and regions The bulk of this outward FDI-some 67 per cent-has originated from South, East, and Southeast Asian countries (WorldBank 2008). Though the availability and quality of FDI data has been problematic-an important point which is discussed in Chapter 6-it is clear that China has received a particularly large percentage share of FDI originating from developing countries. A number of researchers have argued that MNEs originating in developing countries possess distinctive characteristics in comparison to their counterparts from developed countries (Lall 1983a; Wells 1983a; Khan 1986a; Yeung 1996). One obvious difference is that they are generally much smaller, which may make locational advantages and the internalisation of transactions costs less plausible explanations for internationalisation (Wells 1983a). Though still dwarfed by the number of theoretical and empirical studies investigating developed-country MNEs, research into these unconventional MNEs (Giddy and Young 1982) has by now developed into a large body of literature that can be divided into two categories: first-wave and second-wave literature. The so-called first-wave literature emerged in the late 1970s and was primarily concerned with the cost advantages of developing-country firms in comparison with their competitors from developed countries. Two strands of literature dominate. One is based on Wellss (1983) application of the product cycle concept (originally associated with Vernons seminal article [1966]) to the situations found in developing countries. The second dominant strand of first wave literature is associated with Lall (1983). Wells contended that an understanding of developing country transnational firms could be undertaken by applying Vernons concept of the product cycle (1966), which explained changes in production locations as a reaction to different stages in a products life cycle. Vernons argument was that a new product had to be produced in the home country since it was unstandardised and thus production needed to be monitored close to the products source of innovation and markets. As the product matured and became standardized, producers would increasingly become concerned about production costs and seek cheaper production sites elsewhere. Thus, Vernons model suggested that locations of production moved from developed countries to less developed ones as products went through their life cycle over time. This would then explain investment flows from developed- to less developed-countries, and flows among less-developed countries. The uniqueness of Wells approach lies in his application of the product cycle concept to explain the emergence of developing-country transnational firms. Wells suggested that the markets and characteristics of developing countries influence local firms to innovate in ways that are more suited to the development conditions found in their country. In particular, he pointed to the smaller size of the markets and relative abundance of cheap labour in developing countries as key influences on local firms. Wells suggested that firms developing in this kind of environment could build their initial advantages from descale manufacturing, a process of adapting technologies from developed countries to suit less developed markets by reducing scale, replacing machinery with manual labour, and relying on local inputs. The cost advantages to be derived from descale manufacturing would constitute a very important ownership advantage, and, to exploit these costs advantages, developing country firms w ould concentrate on serving the price-sensitive market instead of the specialty markets dominated by firms with the resources for massive marketing. This kind of low-cost, low-price competitive strategy would largely confine the transnational expansion of developing country firms to those markets of other developing countries at or below the host countrys economic status. Changes over time in investment flows would occur as this cost advantage was gradually undercut by the catch up of local firms or affiliates of advanced-country multinationals. Wellss model has been influential, though it does seemingly suggest a rather pessimistic future for developing-country transnational firms (Wells 1983 and Aggarwal 1984). Taking a different approach, Lall (1983) argued that the smaller size of production in developing countries was not by itself evidence of a descaling advantage (1983: 11). He did not share Wellss pessimism over the sustainability of developing-country firms, asserting instead that such firms could generate their own sustainable proprietary assets to be exploited successfully in transnational operations. Lall saw the development of these proprietary assets as entailing different innovations than those used by multinationals from developed countries; for instance, they would come from widely diffused technologies and from a special knowledge of developing-country markets. They would be sustained, Lall contended, by the localisation of technical change and the irreversibility of such change. So, developing-country firms could develop products more suitable to developing-country markets, and innovations could be localised around techniques more relevant to developing-country market condi tions (such as cheap labour). Thus, according to Lall the ownership advantages of developing-country transnational firms come about not because of their ability to descale manufacturing technologies to smaller markets, but rather are derived from their greater knowledge of operations and conditions in developing-country markets (see also Kimura 2007). Such advantages would not necessarily be eroded over time, as suggested by Wells, since firms could engage in RD and continued learning. Challenging these models by Wells and Lall is the so-called second-wave literature that emerged in the early 1990s. This new strand was a response to the apparent changes that were seen to characterize more recent developing-country transnationals. For instance, it was observed that they were investing in markets farther away from home, in some cases in highly competitive markets such as the United States and European Union, and in new sectors, some of which did not depend on labour-intensive techniques. Moreover, the ownership-specific advantages of the newer transnational firms had changed. No longer did they seem primarily dependent on small-scale, labour-intensive technology, low-price, and low-cost operations. Now, they appeared to also derive ownership advantages from their ability to accumulate technological capabilities and to improve their production efficiency (Dunning 2000). This last observation in particular encouraged second-wave theorists to apply the concept of technological accumulation to try to understand the more recent transnational expansion of developing-country firms (e.g., Dunning 2000; Ulgado et al. 1994). The result was a model that proposes that over time technological accumulation can lead to a more sophisticated structure of outward investment. This gradually comes about, it was argued, as firms accumulate technological expertise and experience in foreign markets. Although their technological capabilities are not based on frontier technology, developing-country firms are believed to innovate and accumulate technological skills that will be appropriate to the environment of developing-country markets. Thus, a firms initial outward investment, which is originally centred on resource-based and simple manufacturing activities in markets close to home, changes to focus on more sophisticated manufacturing activities, eventually even to resea rch-intensive and differentiated products. Through this path, second-wave theorists suggested, firms can enhance their technological capabilities over time, which will improve their ownership advantages, and, eventually, allow them to catch up with competitors from developed countries. A variant within the second-wave approach was proposed by van Hoesel (1997). He argued that firms from developing countries begin their technological accumulation process by gradually climbing the value-added ladder, from shop floor production operations upward to other value-added functions such as marketing or RD activities. They need to do this, according to van Hoesel, because developing countries are latecomers to the industrialisation process and therefore their firms do not have significant proprietary innovations (in some respects, van Hoesels approach is similar to the Late Industrialisation framework, reviewed in Section 2.3.3). The ownership advantages of developing-country firms are therefore seen to lay initially in the lower value-added production units, with international expansion largely a function of the incremental accumulation of technology that moves the firm up to more sophisticated operations. This incremental technological accumulation process is also held to determine the organisational form of the firm, with early investment forays typified by lower-risk and less-committed forms, such as sales representatives and joint ventures with local partners, and later investment characterised by more complex forms, such as wholly owned subsidiaries or acquisitions of local firms. Despite the valuable insights provided by both the first- and second-wave literature, it has generated criticism on methodological, empirical, and theoretical grounds. From a methodological point of view, Ulgado et al. (1994: 125) raised the important point that most of these studies of investment by developing-country firms consist mainly of macro-level considerations at the expense of micro-level studies of organisational, operational, and managerial workings. These aggregate analyses often fail to reveal the detailed dynamism of the internationalisation process and the other aspects of business organisation, such as the cultural, political, and social context. Moreover, the FDI from some countries is heavily concentrated in particular markets or industries, and this may lead to research bias. For example, van Hoesel acknowledged that, as his study was of Korean and Taiwanese MNEs in the electronics industry, his conclusions might not be applicable to other developing country MNEs (1997: 239). In fact, it should be more pointed out more generally that the availability and quality of FDI data from developing countries is limited and therefore conclusions drawn from it may not be reliable. In short, more studies at the firm level are called for to provide insights on the internationalisation behaviour of MNEs from developing countries. Section 2.1 has reviewed a number of conventional economics-based theories of FDI. They share the perspective that FDI is motivated by a firms desire to exploit its proprietary advantages abroad. These advantages are seen as transferable from country to country within a firm, but transferred only with difficulty between firms. While the proprietary advantages from developed-countries are derived from frontier technologies and sophisticated management and marketing, those for investors from developing-countries are embodied in imported technologies that have been localised through imitation and adaptation. These theorisations, however, are often criticized for their rather aggregated analyses and for their emphasis on explaining the structure of MNEs as opposed to the process by which firms internationalise. The following section reviews models that explicitly concentrate on the dynamics of transnational expansion. Internationalisation Process Models Internationalisation process theorising began with the early studies carried out in the 1970s by a group of Scandinavian scholars. Unlike the economics-based theories reviewed in Section 2.2 which accept the neoclassical economic model of rational agents exhibiting optimizing behaviour as a core assumption, the so-called Scandinavian School is rooted in the behavioural theory of the firm (Cyert and March 1963; Hosseini 2005: 528-9). The behavioural dimension is the assumption that learning takes place in response to limited cognitive capabilities in a complex and uncertain environment. Accordingly, internationalisation process models attribute the timing of market entry, its structural form, and its development over time as functions of the increasing commitment of managers to foreign markets. The process behind this increasing commitment is not (neoclassical) rational executive decision-making but an incremental learning trajectory that is human- and history-dependent. A variety of internationalisation process models can be found in the literature. These have often been divided into two groups (Andersen 1993). The first group is the so-called innovation-related lear

Technology and Art :: essays research papers

Does size matter? In the world of technology, it all depends on the consumer. The first generations of televisions were designed in a very simple form. Most were square, made of wood, and had a round dial to change channels. Nowadays, we have many different shapes and functions for televisions. Culture and technology have had a large impact on the development of the design and features of the modern television. The design of the television has drastically changed over time. For example, the 1948 Fada model was large in volume and it had a convex and oval shaped screen. It had four knobs used to tune and change channels. The structure was made of wood and it included a fairly large speaker underneath the twelve inch screen. The television only had access to thirteen channels. The dial simply shows that the culture did not have access to many channels. Past televisions were simple because the lifestyle was simple. People did not need hundreds of channels and massive screens to be satisfied. Modern televisions now come in various sizes and have features to accommodate the consumers. For example, the Philips-Magnavox 50FD9955 is thin and has a fifty inch (diagonal) rectangular flat screen. This television can be placed almost anywhere imaginable. It can be hung on a wall or even on the ceiling. The large size of this television represents modern society’s need for bigger and better things. It has an on/off button, two channel buttons, two volume buttons, and other various buttons for adjusting the color. The channel buttons on the modern television represent the unlimited number of channels. The structure is made of metal and plastic and it includes a speaker on each side. The plastic body is easier to mold, cheaper to produce, and easier customize the color. The television comes with standard audio/video jacks, cable jacks, and an S-Video jack to accommodate VCRs, DVD players, camcorders, and other accessories. These additional features did not just appear overnig ht, they developed with society to satisfy their needs. Television is designed around its culture. In the past, watching television was a way for families to be together. Everyone gathered around the television and watched the same show. Families did not have the luxuries of owning more than one television and having hundreds of channels. Today, almost every room in the house has a television. People in different rooms are now able to watch their own shows.

Astrocyte-Neuron Lactate Shuttle and Hemodynamic Brain Scans Essay

Astrocyte-Neuron Lactate Shuttle and Hemodynamic Brain Scans Hemodynamic brain scans such as Positron Emission Tomography (PET) and functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI) have been of immense utility in the neuroscience fields in illuminating the components and modulation of brain function. However, these hemodynamic brain scans have afforded utility without brain scientists truly understanding the mechanism by which they produce signals. Previously, it had been accepted without verification that the images produced by such techniques were direct results of neuronal activity. However, new techniques in studying brain function have revealed that when astrocyte activity is inhibited, hemodependent brain scans do not function (Halber 2008). Additionally, other studies have demonstrated that astrocytes display finely tuned responses to stimuli (Halber 2008) which are amenable to communication with each other in networks via calcium-wave propagation. In light of these new findings in regards to astrocyte function and communication, their influence on hemodynamic brain scans would offer much lucidity to our current understanding of neuropathology and neuromodulation. General Findings of Astrocytic Influence on Brain Scans Both PET and fMRI scans are hemodependent brain scans. However, the mechanism by which each works do differ from each other by which fundamental principle of blood flow they measure. In fMRI, a BOLD-signal (blood-oxygen-level-dependent) measurement is utilized which is then translated into working images. PET scans require a radioactive labeled tracer which accumulates in areas of activation. These active areas are then expressed in imaging techniques that interpret the level of activation. However,... ...arch 2009. doi:10.1016/j.tins.2008.11.005 Mo. (2008, June 20). Starring role in the brain for astrocytes [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://scienceblogs.com/neurophilosophy/2008/06/astrocytes_starring_role_in_the_brain.php Schummers, J., Yu, H., & Sur, M. (2008). Tuned responses of astrocytes and their influence on hemodynamic signals in the visual cortex. Science, 320, 1638-1643. doi: 10.1126/science.1156120 Segelken, R. (2004). CU laser microscopy technique settles brain chemistry debate, could aid studies of Alzheimer’s, stroke damage. Cornell Chronicle. Retrieved from http://www.news.cornell.edu/chronicle/04/7.1.04/astrocyte-neuron.html Vaishnavi S.N., Vlassenko A.G., Rundle M.M., Snyder A.Z., Mintun M.A., Raichle, M.E., (2010). Regional aerobic glycolysis in the human brain. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U SA. 107, 17757–17762. doi: 10.1073/pnas.1010459107

Bite Me: A Love Story Chapter 6~7

6. The Vampire Parrots of Telegraph Hill A flock of wild parrots lives in the city of San Francisco. They are South American cherry-headed conures-bright green with a red head, a little smaller than a typical pigeon. No one is quite sure how they came to the City. It's likely that they are the descendants of animals caught in the jungle, then released to the city skies when they proved too wild to be kept as pets. They fly over the northern waterfront of San Francisco, foraging for fruit, berries, and blossoms, from the Presidio at the entrance of the Golden Gate Bridge, over Pacific Heights, the Marina, Russian Hill, North Beach, and all the way to the Ferry Building near the Oakland Bay Bridge. They are social, squawky, silly birds that mate for life and advertise their presence with a cacophony of beeps and cheeps that inspire smiles from residents, bewilderment from tourists, and hunger in predators, mostly red-tailed hawks and peregrine falcons. The parrots spend their nights high in the trees of Telegraph Hill, beneath the great concrete phallus of Coit Tower, sheltered from attack from hawks by the evergreen canopy overhead, and from all but the most ambitious cats, by the sheer altitude. But still, they are sometimes attacked, and although gentle creatures, they will fight back, biting with their thick, built-for-seed-crushing beaks. Which is what happened. The next morning after he witnessed the cat attack in the SOMA, the Emperor of San Francisco was awakened from a nest he'd made in one of the little stair gardens on Telegraph Hill, to hear parrots squawking in the trees. The sun was just breaking the horizon behind the Bay Bridge, turning the water red-gold under a blue morning mist. The Emperor crawled out from under a pile of carpet padding, stood, and stretched, his great joints creaking in the cold like ancient church doors. The men, Bummer and Lazarus, poked their noses out of the gray cloak, snuffled the dawn, then, with the call of the parrots, resolved themselves to morning and emerged like urgent butterflies to search for the perfect spot for the first wee of the day. The three watched as fifty or so squawking parrots circled Coit Tower and headed out toward the Embarcadero, where, suddenly, they all stopped flying, burst into flames, and fell like a smoldering storm of dying comets into Levi's Plaza. â€Å"Well, you don't see that every day,† said the Emperor, scratching Lazarus's ears through the bandages. The retriever was a doggy version of The Mummy, wrapped ears to tail in bandages after his last encounter with the vampire cats. The vet in the Mission wanted to keep him overnight, but the retriever had never spent a night away from the Emperor since they had found each other, and the vet had no accommodations for a large and burly monarch, let alone a feisty Boston terrier, so the three had bunked together under the carpet pad. Bummer chuffed, which translated from dog to: â€Å"I don't like it.† As the famous frog sang, it's not easy being green. 7. The Fog Comes on Little Cat Feet and Whatnot FOO Stephen â€Å"Foo Dog† Wong's fully bombed Honda drift machine was full of rats. Not completely full, the passenger seat was filled by Jared Whitewolf, Abby's backup BFF. (BBFF, really.) â€Å"Did you have to get all white ones?† Jared asked. He was six foot two, very thin, and paler than Death shagging a snowman. The sides of his head were shaved and in the middle he sported an unlaquered Mohawk, which hung in his eyes unless he was lying on his back or looking up. In addition to a floor-length black PVC cenobite coat, he was currently wearing Abby's thigh-high red platform Skankenstein ® boots, which was completely within his rights, as her current BFF. What bothered Foo was not that Jared had on girl's boots, but that he had on the boots of a girl with distinctly small feet. â€Å"Don't those hurt?† Jared tossed his hair out of his eyes. â€Å"Well, it's like Morrissey said, ‘Life is suffering.'† â€Å"I think the Buddha said that.† â€Å"I'm pretty sure Morrissey said it first-like, back in the eighties.† â€Å"No, it was the Buddha.† â€Å"Have you ever even seen a picture of the Buddha with shoes on?† Jared asked. Foo couldn't believe he was having this argument. What's more, he couldn't believe he was losing this argument. â€Å"Well, I have some Nikes upstairs that might fit you if you need to change shoes. Let's get the rats unloaded. I have to get to work.† Jared already had four plastic cages with two white rats in each stacked on his lap, so he unfolded himself out of the Honda and wobbled on the red platforms to the fire door of the loft. â€Å"Don't try to paint them black,† Jared said, peering into the Plexiglas boxes as Foo opened the door for him. â€Å"I tried that with my first rat, Lucifer. It was tragic.† â€Å"Tragic?† said Foo. â€Å"I'd have never guessed. Put them on the floor in the living room. I'll borrow the truck from work tomorrow and pick up some folding tables to put them on.† In addition to pursuing his degree in molecular biology, and variously rescuing Abby, formulating vampire serum, and tricking out his Honda, Foo still worked part-time at Stereo City, where he specialized in telling people that they needed a bigger TV. â€Å"You still have that job?† Jared said as he stumbled up the stairs. â€Å"Abby said you guys have total fuck-you money.† Why did she tell him? She wasn't supposed to tell him. Did she tell him everything? Why did she have to have friends at all? She'd given Jared five thousand dollars of Jody and Tommy's money for Hanukkah-despite the fact that neither one of them was Jewish. â€Å"Because I will not let mainstream society make me into the Christmas bitch of the zombie baby-Jebus, that's why,† she'd said. â€Å"And because he helped me take care of the Countess and Lord Flood when they were in trouble.† â€Å"I need to keep my cover,† Foo said. â€Å"For tax purposes.† That was partially true. He did need to keep up his cover, because, like Abby, he hadn't actually told his parents that he'd moved out. They were so used to him being at school, in the lab, or at work, that they hadn't really noticed that he hadn't been sleeping at home. It helped that he had four younger brothers and sisters, who were all carrying insane work and course loads. His parents were all about toil. As long as you were toiling, you were okay. They could smell toil from miles away, or the lack of it. He might be able to get away with living in his own loft with his spooky-sexy girlfriend, and doing bizarre genetic experiments on the undead, but if he quit his job they'd sense it in a second. It took Foo and Jared twenty minutes to get all the rats up the steps and lined up around the living room. â€Å"We're not going to hurt them, are we?† said Jared, holding up one of the plastic cages so he was eye to eye with its occupants. â€Å"We're going to turn them into vampires.† â€Å"Oh, cool. Now?† â€Å"No, not now. For now, you're going to need to feed them and make sure there's a water bottle in each of their cages,† Foo said. â€Å"Then what?† Jared asked, tossing his hair out of his eyes. â€Å"Then you can go home,† said Foo. â€Å"You don't need to observe them full-time until the experiment starts.† â€Å"I can't go home. I told my parents I was staying over at Abby's.† Foo was suddenly horrified at the thought of having to spend the night in the loft with a hundred rats, two bronzed vampires, and Jared. Especially Jared. Maybe he'd go home and leave Jared to watch the rats-make an appearance at home for the parents, so as to throw them off the trail of his non-toiling, loft-living, Anglo-girlfriend lifestyle. â€Å"You can stay here, then,† Foo said. â€Å"I'll be back in the morning.† â€Å"What about them?† Jared nodded toward the bronzed figures of Jody and Tommy. â€Å"What about them?† â€Å"Can I talk to them? I didn't get to finish telling Jody my novel.† Jared had spent a very long night telling Jody the first part of the novel he was going to write, an erotic horror story that starred himself and his pet rat, Lucifer 2. â€Å"Okay,† said Foo. He didn't really like thinking about the two people, well, vampires, but they seemed a lot like people, that he'd helped imprison in a bronze shell. It sort of gave him the willies, and that was highly unscientific. â€Å"But no touching,† he added. Jared pouted and sat down on the futon, about the only spot in the entire living-room-kitchen area not covered with plastic rat cages. â€Å"Okay, but will you help me get these boots off before you go?† Foo shuddered. It had been less than an hour since the cops led Abby away and already he missed her like a severed limb. It was embarrassing. How could hormones and hydrostatic pressure make you feel like this? Love was very unscientific. â€Å"Sorry,† Foo said. â€Å"Gotta jet.† A true hero, the kind Abby accused him of being, he knew, would have helped Jared. JARED Abby Normal had once offered to pay for a tattoo for Jared that read: Danger. Do not administer caffeine without adult supervision. Jared asked, â€Å"Can it be in red? Does it have to be on the forehead? Maybe on the side so I can grow my hair over it if I don't like it. Am I being emo? Do you want to play Blood-feast on Xbox? They have green fur iPod cases at Urban Outfitters. I love white chocolate mochas. Marilyn Manson needs to be dragged to death behind a clown car. Oh fuck, I'm so allergic to this eyeliner I could cry.† Abby said, â€Å"Oh my God, you're like Obnoxious and Annoying had an ass baby!† â€Å"What are you trying to say?† asked Jared. What she had been trying to say, although she didn't know it at the time, was that under no circumstances should Jared be left alone in an apartment with an abundance of time and espresso, which is what Foo had just done. So after feeding, watering, and naming all the rats (most given French names from Abby's copy of Baudelaire's Les Fleurs du Mal), Jared began brewing espressos and was nine demitasse cups into the afternoon when he decided to act out the remainder of his unwritten vampire adventure novel, The Dark of Darkness, for a hundred rats caged in plastic and two vampires encased in bronze. â€Å"So the evil Blood Queen dons her chrome strap-on of death and goes after Lucifer 2. But Jared Whitewolf is on her like a fat kid on a cupcake, parrying her blows with his dagger of death, or Dee Dee, as it is known.† Jared pirouetted, a move he'd learned in ballet class at age six, and slashed the air, low and fast, with the double-edged dagger held backhand so as to sever his imaginary enemy's femoral artery, a move he'd learned in Soul Assassin Five on the Xbox (although it was harder to do while wearing platform boots than it was in the video game). The dagger was real enough, twelve inches of double-edged high-carbon stainless steel with a dragon hilt. Jared carried it because he thought it made him look badass when doormen took it away from him at clubs. â€Å"And he strikes her weapon in half!† he said, leaping and bringing the blade around a little too fast. He turned his ankle, lost his balance, and as he fell, the dagger put a deep nick in the bronze statue. â€Å"Ow!† He sat on the floor holding his ankle and rocking back and forth in the yoga position known as the â€Å"freaked-out half-lotus.† Then he noticed the gash he'd put in the bronze, directly over Jody's right clavicle. â€Å"I'm sorry, Countess,† Jared said, still a little breathless from his battle. â€Å"I didn't mean to hurt you. It's just that I had to save Lucifer 2. You'd do the same thing for Lord Flood if he was in the story.† Jared buffed at the bronze with his sleeve, but the gash was deep and wasn't going to go away with polishing. â€Å"Abby's going to kill me. I'll patch you, Countess. Just hang on. Toothpaste. We used it on the wall that time we drank Abby's mom's vodka and played cross-country darts in her living room. Hang on a minute.† Jared let the heavy dagger drop to the floor, climbed to his feet, winced, then limped off to the bathroom to look for toothpaste. He located a tube of all natural tartar control with baking soda just as the sun dropped under the horizon in the west. Out in the living room, a needle-thin stream of mist began leaking out of the gash he'd made in the bronze statue. Toothpaste probably wouldn't have fixed it. THE ANIMALS In the last two months, the Animals, the night stock crew at the Marina Safeway, had hunted an ancient vampire, blown up his yacht, stolen millions of dollars' worth of art, sold it for pennies on the dollar, spent the remaining hundreds of thousands on gambling and a blue hooker, got turned into vampires, were torn apart by zoo animals, then burned up by sunlamps when they attacked Abby Normal, then turned, by Foo, back into seven guys who stocked shelves at the Safeway and smoked a little too much weed. And as it often is with adventurers, after the adventure, they were feeling a little bored, and a little worried that nothing exciting would ever happen to them again. After you've battled the darkness, then become the darkness, then shagged the darkness, frozen turkey bowling and skiing behind the floor-scrubbing machine just doesn't hold the same thrill. After you've shared a blue prostitute with your buddies to the tune of a half a million dollars, only to have her kill and resurrect you before disappearing into the night, swapping stories of banging babes was a bit of an anticlimax. After all, they worked nights and the oldest of them, Clint, was only twenty-three, so most of their stories were gross exaggerations, wishful thinking, or outright lies anyway. Even crucifying Clint with zip ties on the potato chip rack every other Friday didn't seem fun anymore, and last week they had just left him hanging, thrashing in the Doritos, and went off to stock their aisles before he could even forgive them for knowing not what they did. Tragic, really, to be young, free, and mind-numbingly bored. So when the Emperor of San Francisco came screaming out of the parking lot and slammed, face-first, into the big Plexiglas front window, rattling the Tic Tacs on every register, each of them dropped what he was working on and headed to the front of the store, hoping in their hearts that something outstanding was coming down. The seven, the Animals, stood on one side of the big window, while the Emperor pounded on the other, the royal hounds leaping and barking at his side. â€Å"Maybe we should let him in,† said Clint, curly-haired, born-again, ex-heroin addict who worked cereal, coffee, and juices. â€Å"He seems troubled.† â€Å"S,† said Gustavo, the porter, leaning on his mop. â€Å"Troubled.† â€Å"Seems fucking freaked,† said Drew, the Ichabod-Crane-gaunt master of the frozen food aisle and chief medical officer. â€Å"Totally fucking freaked.† â€Å"What's wrong?† asked Lash, the lean black guy who had become their leader when Tommy was turned into a vampire, largely because he almost had an MBA, but also because he was a black guy and inherently cooler than everyone else. â€Å"Murder, destruction, ravenous creatures of the night, a storm of them,† shouted the Emperor. â€Å"Hurry, please.† â€Å"He always says that,† said Barry, the balding fireplug of a scuba diver who also stocked soap and dog food. â€Å"Well, every time he says it, it's kind of true,† said Jeff, the tall blond ex-power forward with the blown-out knee (baking supplies and international foods). â€Å"I say let him in.† â€Å"Look, the retriever is all bandaged up. Poor guy,† said Troy Lee, their resident martial arts expert who worked the glass aisle. â€Å"Let them in.† â€Å"You just want to roll the little one up in a burrito,† said Lash. â€Å"Yeah, that's right, Lash. Because I'm Chinese, I have a deep-seated need to nosh house pets. Now why don't you let him in before my inner Chinaman forces me to kung-fu your bitch ass.† Because he understood that he was the leader only so long as he told everyone to do what they wanted to do anyway, and because he had had his bitch ass kung-fued in the past and hadn't cared for it, Lash unlocked the door and let the Emperor in. The old man fell into the store when Lash opened the door. Bummer and Lazarus stopped barking and bolted by them, and on toward the back of the store. Jeff and Drew got the Emperor seated on one of the registers and Troy Lee handed him a bottle of water. â€Å"Chill, Your Majesty, we've done this before.† â€Å"Not like this. Not like this,† said the Emperor. â€Å"It's a storm of evil. Lock the door.† Lash rolled his eyes. They really had done this before, and the door being locked or unlocked wasn't going to make much difference if a vampire was following the old man. â€Å"We got your back, Highness,† Lash said. â€Å"Lock the door,† the Emperor moaned, pointing through the window. A fog bank was moving across the parking lot, with rather more intent than one usually expects from a fog bank. A high, yowling screech seemed to come out of the fog in a stream, as if it had been sampled, amplified, and duplicated a thousand times. The Animals moved to the glass. â€Å"Lock the door, Lash,† Clint said. Clint never gave orders. The edge of the fog bank was boiling with shapes, claws, ears, eyes, teeth, tails-cats formed of fog, rolling in a wave over one another, some materializing partially, only to evaporate and roll back into the cloud, their red eyes moving through the cloud like embers out of a firestorm. â€Å"Whoa,† said Drew. â€Å"Whoa,† repeated the others. â€Å"Okay, that is different,† said Troy Lee. â€Å"My friends all over the City are missing,† the Emperor said. â€Å"Street people. They're gone. Just their clothes and gray dust,† the Emperor said. â€Å"The cats are killing everything in their way.† â€Å"That is fucked up,† said Jeff. â€Å"Deeply, deeply fucked up,† said Barry, dragging one of the heavy wooden order dividers off the register and brandishing it like a club. â€Å"Lock the fucking door, Lash!† Clint screamed. â€Å"Jesus hates it when you use the f-word,† said Gustavo, the Mexican porter, who was Catholic and liked to remind Clint when his Jesus was slipping. The fog washed against the window and claw marks etched the Plexiglas instantly to frost, as if it had all been sanded. The noise was like, well, it was like a thousand vampire cats clawing on Plexiglas-it made their teeth hurt. â€Å"Did anyone bring weapons?† Troy Lee asked. â€Å"I brought some weed,† Drew said. A cat's claw of fog crept under the door and raked the toe of Lash's sneaker. He snapped the lock shut, pulled out the key, and backed away. â€Å"Okay, break time,† he said. â€Å"Crew meeting in the walk-in.† JARED Across town, in the bedroom of a fashionable loft, in the fashionable SOMA neighborhood, aspiring rat-shagger, Jared Whitewolf, looked up from rubbing his sore ankle to see a completely naked redhead walk into the room. Her hair hung to her waist in a great curling cape, framing her figure, which was perfect and as white as a marble statue. She held Jared's double-edged dagger in her right hand. Jared backed up onto the bed in a reverse crab walk. â€Å"I, I, I, it, it, it-Abby made me-â€Å" â€Å"Chill, Scissorhands,† Jody said. â€Å"You'd better find some of those blood bags of Steve's fast, unless you'd like to finish high school as a pile of greasy dust. Countess is thirsty.†